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Парк розваг у Варшаві. Фото. Przemek Wierzchowski/REPORTER
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Досліджувати світ із дитиною завжди цікаво, а в Польщі про це знають не з чуток, адже тут справжній культ розваг для дітей. Різноманітні парки, музеї та майстер-класи — тут вміють зацікавити дитину так, щоб вивчення світу було захопливим та корисним. Отож вирушаємо!
Плескатися у фонтанах парку Байка
За 27 кілометрів від Варшави у місті Блоні міститься величезний парк з басейнами, фонтанами, музичними інструментами та безліччю ігрових майданчиків. Це просто рай для малюків, там можна провести весь день з ранку до вечора. Територія парку поділена на зону спокійного відпочинку й активних розваг. Тут міститься найбільша в Польщі зона пішохідних фонтанів, де можна обливатись водою і влаштовувати перегони між струменями. Поруч є неглибокі басейни для малюків, зона відпочинку з лавками та кріслами для батьків. Майданчик у парку потішить діток безліччю гірок, гойдалок, конструкцій для лазіння, але найяскравіше враження залишить сектор музичних інструментів. Там малюки можуть грати на ксилофоні, тарілках, чи барабанах або уявити себе знаменитим трубачем. А коли вже награлися та набігалися, то можна корчити смішні гримаси в секторі кривих дзеркал.
ul. Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego 10, 05-870 Błonie
Прогулянка поміж крон дерев
Нові враження чекають на дорослих та дітей у селі Помєхувек, що біля аеропорту Варшава/Модлін. Підвісна стежка серед крон дерев — це неймовірно красивий і цікавий спосіб ознайомитися з різними видами птахів і дерев у цій частині Мазовецького воєводства. Стежка розташована на підвісних платформах в глибині лісу, а на кожній з них зібрана інформація про тутешніх птахів і дерева. Крім цього, на території села є два відомі заповідники: частина охоплена охороною в рамках програми ЄС «Natura 2000» і території, що входять до мережі Варшавського комплексу охоронних краєвидів (Warszawski Obszar Chronionego Krajobrazu).
До речі, тут можна відвідати парк Долина Вкри при лісовому розважальному комплексі із каруселями, оглядовою вежею та тренажерною залою просто посеред лісу.
Реконструйоване селище XIX–XX століть розташоване в етнографічному парку в Маужицях біля міста Ловіч. Невеликі небесного кольору будиночки з білими візерунками, квіткові галявини, сади, мальовані паперові прикраси, якими тут обклеєні стіни, печі та стелі — ідеалістична картина побуту Лодзинського воєводства доповнена доглянутими господарськими будівлями тих часів. В музеї просто неба часто проводяться майстер-класи з плетіння вінків, випікання хліба, вишивання, гончарної справи, а влітку — фестивалі просто неба, отож можна відвідати комору, млин, кузню, зайти в будь-який будинок.
Всього за 10 кілометрів від Варшави у сосновому лісі та зелені потопає мальовниче містечко Констанцін-Єзьорна. Наповнене атмосферою затишку і теплоти, це місто, напевно, залишиться в пам’яті у кожного, хто хоч раз там побував. У теплу пору року тут регулярно проводяться кінопокази, а в Курортному парку безліч дитячих та оглядових майданчиків, гарних вілл XIX–XX століть, будівля паперової фабрики XVIII століття, але найголовніше — тут міститься соляна градирня заввишки 6 та діаметром 40 метрів. Пара соляного розчину насичена йодом, бромом і різними мікроелементами, тому приємну прогулянку тут можна поєднати з оздоровленням.
Місце, де можна подихати сіллю. Фото: Sławomir Kamiński/Agencja Wyborcza
Ботанічний сад і Парк культури у Повсіні зобов’язаний відвідати кожен, хто мешкає у Варшаві. Сюди дуже зручно добиратися з Вілянува, а розваг для дітей досить багато. У парку культури є дитячі майданчики і спортивні зони для гольфу, безкоштовні зони для барбекю з мангалами. Гірки, мости, конструкції для лазіння, вежі розташовані на лісовій галявині.Тут тунелі нагадують стволи, що впали, а пісочниці — пташині гнізда. Для дітей старшого віку є мотузковий парк. А в ботанічному саду розбито альпінарій і найбільший у Польщі розарій, оранжереї, зони екзотичних та садових рослин, яблуневий сад із 500 видами дерев. Малюків не залишать байдужими рослини-хижаки, що харчуються комахами.
Ботанічний сад. Фото: Adama Stępień/Agencja Wyborcza
За 55 кілометрів від Варшави, у місті Сохачев, на території колишньої залізничної станції 1922 року функціонує Музей вузькоколійної залізниці. Його колекція складається з понад 150 експонатів, серед яких старовинні паротяги, дрезини, вагони, військові платформи, легкові автомобілі, пристосовані для їзди по коліях, а також бричка Пілсудського — кінний екіпаж, який рухався рейками. У виставковому залі можна запустити макет залізниці, кинувши туди монетку. У вихідні з квітня до жовтня тут можна подорожувати до Кампіноської пущі на ретропоїзді.
Крім того, у Сохачеві міститься Музей Сохачевської землі і Битви під Бзурою з величезною колекцією зброї, спорядження, обмундирування та інших реліквій військової кампанії вересня 1939 року і битви на річці Бзура — найбільшої наступальної битви союзних військ на початку Другої світової. А на невеликому пагорбі біля музею збереглися рештки замку князів Мазовецьких.
Подорож потягом може бути такою незвичною. Фото: Tomasz Niesłuchowski/Agencja Wyborcza
Переміститися в парк юрського періоду зовсім нескладно, а ось вражень залишиться багато. Парк юрського періоду (Park Jurajski) на Урсинові з Музеєм Землі познайомить молодих дослідників з доісторичними часами, розповість про перші гриби та комах, динозаврів, що населяли планету в той час. У сімейному парку розваг є освітня доріжка, а також зона розваг з атракціонами. Тут можна відчути себе археологом чи просто залізти всередину скульптури динозавра.
Дитячий майданчик у Парку юрського періоду. Фото: матеріали преси
Якщо ви справді готові до такого сценарію, то краще за парк ім. Збіґнєва Герберта на Бєлянах не знайти! На трьох гектарах території є маршрути для новачків і просунутих любителів скейтів, самокатів, роликових ковзанів із пандусами, підйомами та рівними ділянками траси. Для поціновувачів спокійного відпочинку — шахові столи і затишні місця, де можна посидіти з книгою.
Park im. Zbigniewa Herberta
ul. Zbigniewa Romaszewskiego, 00-001 Warszawa
«Жива» палеонтологія
Якщо раптом шукатимете вхід до розрекламованого музею лялькових будиночків, то можете випадково знайти вхід до Музею еволюції. Він міститься в будівлі Палацу молоді в центрі Варшави, і важко уявити собі дитину, котра не була б вражена його експонатами. Муляжі риб, що еволюціонували, моделі стародавніх тварин, первісна людина на повен зріст та інші наукові артефакти точно здивують юного дослідника.
Посидіти під динозавром в повний зріст — окремі враження. Фото: Adam Stępień/Agencja Wyborcza
(вхід: z ul. Świętokrzyskiej przez Pałac Młodzieży)
Потримати в руках 12,5 кілограма золота
Маючи справу з грошима кожен день, що ми знаємо про них? Наприклад, на банкнотах євро намальовані мости, вікна і ворота, яких немає насправді. Вони просто символізують відкритість та співпрацю між країнами Європи. Центр Грошей Національного Банку Польщі, або Музей грошей у Варшаві — це найсучасніший виставково-освітній осередок у ЄС. Тут можна побачити унікальну колекцію монет, подивитися на мільйон злотих у сховищі, потримати в руках злиток золота вагою 12,5 кілограма, побачити першу польську банкноту з полімеру, а також вивчити весь процес проєктування і виробництва грошей. Крім цього, молодому поколінню буде корисно знати про цінність ресурсів і про те, як правильно взаємодіяти з грошима.
І трохи золота на дотик. Фото: Marek i Zofia Bazak/East News
Журналістка, PR-спеціалістка. Мама маленького генія з аутизмом та засновниця клубу для мам «PAC-прекрасні зустрічі у Варшаві». Веде блог та ТГ-групу, де допомагає мамам особливих діток разом зі спеціалістами. Родом з Білорусі. В студентські роки приїхала на практику до Києва — і залишилася працювати в Україні. Працювала у щоденних виданнях «Газета по-київськи», «Вечірні вісті», «Сьогодні». Була автором статей для порталу оператора бізнес-процесів, де вела рубрику про інвестиційну привабливість України. Має досвід роботи smm-менеджером і маркетологом у девелоперській компанії. Вийшла заміж на телепроєкті «Давай одружимося», коли виконувала редакційне завдання. Любить людей та вважає, що історія кожного унікальна. Обожнює репортажі та живе спілкування.
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Nothing survives without words. Together, we carry voices that must be heard.
Olga Pakosh: In light of what is happening today, how can we talk about building bridges?
Krzysztof Czyżewski: We first need to realize how few of them we have actually built.
Why?
We were given time—time we largely failed to use. Today comes the test of what we did with it, and it turns out it could have been much more. Too few bridges were built—between Poles and Ukrainians, but also many others. Because all these bridges are interconnected. Fear of the other very easily turns into scapegoating—of the foreigner, someone of another nationality, culture, or skin color. And this shows that we could have done far more, especially from the bottom up, at the grassroots, organically. We lacked investment in local government, in education—from primary school through every level—in cultural and community-building activities. Had we put more effort into these, we would be in a completely different place today.
That’s why the work of rooting is so important—in a place, in oneself, in our identity. When the full-scale war in Ukraine broke out, refugee children came to Krasnogruda. One of the first projects we did with them was an animated film.
The children called it Pokój (“Room/Peace”), because they discovered that in Polish the word has two meanings: “absence of war” and “my space to live.” It was precisely this space they had lost—their room, their home—and that’s what they longed for. They also understood that the one who starts a war is the one who has no room of their own.
People deprived of rootedness and a sense of community are more easily swayed by ideologies that lead to hatred and violence. That’s why we need time to rebuild this rootedness, which our region still lacks because of its history of wars and regimes. We simply wasted the time we were given.
We invested in roads—because that’s easy, because every politician wants to boast about them. But investments in schools, cultural centers, civic organizations—in people—were never a priority. And yet those are precisely the investments that could give us the strength to stand against hatred and war.
The Comfortable Role of the Victim
What is hatred? No one is born with hatred. It always has a source, usually in the early stages of life. Something must have happened in our environment—in the family, at school, in the community. Something that made us susceptible to this illness called hatred.
To confront it, we must go back to its beginnings. To the moment when a child or young person found themselves in a situation where no one defended them, protected them, or taught them how to cope with harm. It’s the environment that shapes a person, and if it is not built on peace, it creates space for hatred. Hatred often grows out of emptiness, resentment, and a sense of loss. A person who experiences pain at the hands of others, lacking the tools to understand it, builds a defense mechanism: they start believing that hatred will make them stronger.
Imagine a young Czesław Miłosz. He dreams of Western Europe, of Paris—and during a trip with friends, he reaches a bridge on the Swiss–French border. There he sees a sign: “No entry for Slavs, Gypsies, Jews.” Such a blow can trigger two reactions. One is to respond in kind: return home and put up a sign against the French or the Germans. But one can also react differently: do everything not to answer hostility with hostility. Yet to choose this path, one needs support—spiritual, moral, found in an authority or a community.
We encounter such “signs” even today—in a metaphorical sense—living in multicultural societies. We often, and unwittingly, hurt others with words or gestures. These are moments when we can take Miłosz’s path: to dedicate our life and work to opposing the philosophy of exclusion. But choosing this path means loneliness. As in the case of Miłosz, who in interwar Vilnius—governed by nationalists—was told that history did not belong to him.
The “signpost philosophy” always builds a fortress. It assumes one must close off, build walls, and cast outsiders in a bad light. It’s the feeling that strength comes from isolation. I have met people who build such fortresses. Today this is very visible in Ukraine. My Ukrainian friends wrote to me after February 24th: “I hate. That’s my state of mind.” I understand this. In the face of aggression, one builds defensive embankments, protects family and community. Perhaps a soldier needs hatred as a weapon—it gives determination and strength.
But the crucial question is about the boundary. Between the person who can treat hatred like a shield, then set it aside after the fight and return to normal life—and the person who becomes its captive. If you can put it down, hatred remains a temporary weapon. If you cannot, the illness takes control. Then hatred doesn’t end with the war—it begins to destroy life, relationships, one’s entire world.
How can we defend ourselves against hatred in today’s world?
Sometimes a person must build a fortress, but a fortress is not a natural environment for life. When a new generation arrives—our children—they will feel curiosity and the need to go out into the open world. Because a fortress, if accepted as a permanent home, becomes a prison—and everyone wants to escape from prison.
So the question is: if I build a bridge to the other side, risking my own shore and the possibility that an enemy may use it—am I acting against life?
Would it be better to stay on my side and live more safely, more comfortably? This is how supporters of extreme, xenophobic ideologies think: that it’s best to be only among one’s own. Except that in human nature such a scenario never proves life-giving. Sooner or later it leads to illness—xenophobia or hatred.
That’s why courage is always necessary. To resist hatred, we must cultivate inner strength to overcome our emotions. And yet we have a tendency to justify our hostility easily: we pick at resentments, repeat that someone wronged us. It feels comfortable to wear the skin of the victim, because then we are always ostensibly on the “good side.” But staying in the role of the victim also leads nowhere. It breeds weakness and fear—fear of opening up, of encountering the other.
What does this mean in practice? If I, as a Pole, am afraid to admit that in Jedwabne, during the Holocaust, a crime was committed against Jewish neighbors and I prefer to conceal this truth—where is my patriotism then? Where is my courage?
There is no courage in falsifying history. Courage is born when I can look into the eyes of those who were victims, when I do the work on myself. It is difficult, critical work of memory. If we want to build bridges with others, let’s start with ourselves. Let us ask: are there not painful places in our own history that we should work through—acknowledge, beat our breast, return the truth to others, or at least try to listen? Paradoxically, this does not weaken us—it makes us stronger.
On the doorstep of the house where Polish writer and philosopher Stanisław Vincenz once lived — Hutsul region, Ukraine.
Pop Culture Pure
How would you explain the shift from the immense openness toward Ukrainians in February 2022 to the current state, where some say that help was unappreciated or that newcomers “give nothing in return”? Is it fatigue, lack of courage, or something deeper in human nature?
What’s missing is something else. What’s very dangerous is what politicians often try to convince us of: that our attitude toward Ukrainians must be conditioned by interest. In my view, the spontaneous, magnificent reaction of people was simply a human reaction. No one asked then what we would get out of it. It was as Pope Francis said in Lampedusa about the Church: it should be like a field hospital.
It doesn’t matter what your faith, nationality, or skin color is—you simply serve a person in need. This is an absolute human duty. Without asking about interest, advantage, or profit.
If we step down from that level—and today many try to frame help for Ukrainians in terms of budgets, gains, or losses—we reduce the field hospital to a marketplace.
And that’s exactly what we see in the world. It used to be unthinkable that states would give weapons only in exchange for raw materials. Today this approach is part of the political mainstream. It’s a moral collapse.
Of course, rationality, logic, and common sense are needed—especially in politics and strategic decisions.
At the same time, we must act on a human level. Because we are Christians, Poles, Ukrainians, people. There are no narrow categories here. It’s not about nationality or religion, but about a human being in need.
The first wave of refugees from Ukraine made this very clear. I remember Viktoria Amelina [a Ukrainian writer who died in hospital on July 1, 2023, from injuries sustained during a Russian attack on Kramatorsk—ed.] in Krasnogruda telling me that at the border she felt treated better than refugees from other countries. She was privileged simply because she was Ukrainian. That shows the limit of our wonderful Polish–Ukrainian period of solidarity—right next to the Belarusian border, the symbol of non-solidarity.
When such selection creeps into our responses, we see a symptom of illness: our assistance and attitudes are no longer fully true or natural. It’s not about judging people—we’re all in the same boat; we all have oversights and limitations. But it’s also part of a great moral decline, a degradation we’re witnessing worldwide. It shows how much fear, anxiety, and uncertainty we harbor, and how little of the peace that children talk about. And how easily populist politics can lead us astray.
Why does hatred take root in us so easily? Is it politics, ideology, indoctrination (imposing certain ideas and beliefs on a person — Ed.)?
Or perhaps pop culture? And culture? How is it possible that in a democratic society we separated pop culture from culture—that pop culture is meant to reach people who “won’t understand” culture because it’s too difficult, not for them?
If we accept that conversations about values, morality, and understanding the other are intended only for those in that “other” culture and not for everyone, the tragedy begins.
The tragedy is that in a democracy we don’t trust people. We don’t believe they can make difficult decisions themselves, hold values, and take responsibility for them.
We persist in the belief that we must speak to people in a simplified way, otherwise they “won’t understand.” Politicians and the media often take this path. They create a “pop-cultural mush,” and we pay the price. We’ve created pop-cultural politics, pop-cultural politicians, and politics characterized by leveling down. It’s the result of our underestimating culture and failing to understand that conscience—our spiritual culture—is an obligation for everyone, without exception.
Szewczenko or Miłosz are for everyone, and with everyone we can talk about values, demand reflection, action, and responsibility. It’s like the wisdom of the Gospels—they are not reserved for the chosen. We have lost faith that this has anything to do with everyday life. Even people who consider themselves Christians often craft their own “life-gospel,” at odds with the true Gospel, while politicians offer a discourse full of xenophobia and hatred.
Here lies a serious neglect, for which we are now paying the price. A vast arrogance and paternalism that we have allowed to speak. As a result, we’ve lost many citizens—people who felt utterly marginalized not only in terms of material well-being but also in terms of trust and co-responsibility for the world’s affairs. Pushed aside and often stigmatized as xenophobes.
I never use such labels for anyone. Because when you call someone a chauvinist or a xenophobe, you put them against a wall. You strip them of the ability to move—and thus the chance to change. Culture should provide space and time for us to change, learn, and mature. That’s what our culture often lacks: patience for process, the understanding that change takes time.
The history we come from, and the new tragic circumstances, place demands on us that often exceed our strength. Sometimes we are too weak to bear them. But does that mean we are immediately bad—and forever? Perhaps we can still be partners—for conversation, for cooperation, for living together—even if we handle our emotions differently.
We are very good at cornering people. “You are this—period.” Meanwhile, we should learn to understand ourselves and others, to transcend our own limitations, to practice the art of dialogue—because only then is true transformation possible.
You speak of empathy, which was so visible at the beginning. But haven’t you noticed that today the word “neighbors” has practically disappeared from the media when we speak about Ukrainians?
“Neighborhood” is a good word, isn’t it? A neighbor is already part of our life. And if we drive them out, a feeling arises… that there is no threat, and no need for effort or even sacrifice, because a neighbor demands more from me.
A neighbor is someone you can rightly offer hospitality to, someone you can share with, someone you coexist with and share responsibility for something with. Simply by existing, a neighbor touches deeply rooted values in us—and puts them to the test.
If we succumb to confrontational, hateful ideology, we push out words like “neighborhood,” “kinship,” “the common good.”
I won’t even dwell on the fact that politicians try to convince us that it’s in our interest to cut ourselves off from Ukraine—which is absurd, because Ukraine provides us with security. If we were rational and sober about what is truly good for us, we should do everything to make our neighborhood as deep and as close as possible.
Anna Łazar, Yuri Andrukhovych and Krzysztof Czyżewski. Private Archive
Meanwhile, we allow ourselves to be ruled by what is irrational or aimed at short-term effects (which amounts to the same). We let weakness work within us and perceive threats where they do not truly exist.
I would also like to address Ukrainians—to understand that sometimes it’s not worth attaching too much importance to these momentary crises—just as in the life of an individual, so in a collective body we sometimes succumb to weakness, and politicians draw out the worst in us. We should not believe that this is a permanent state, nor should we immediately put Poles against the wall, assuming that “this is how they are now.”
Of course, we should set standards for ourselves—now I’m speaking about Poles in the context of the situation in Ukraine. But at the same time, it is worth giving ourselves a chance to change: to be more understanding, more empathetic, to trust that change is possible. I also don’t attach excessive importance to momentary gusts in social media—those winds change very quickly.
I would rather focus on long-term, grassroots, organic building—creating things that won’t bear fruit today but will do so in a few years. Because trust has extraordinary power. If I, Ms. Olga, believe that even if you (purely hypothetically) feel prejudice, resentment, or hatred toward me, it won’t be forever—and I don’t close myself off to our mutual presence—and if I believe our relationship can change—then you will not remain indifferent to that. You will sense in me not an enemy, but a person open to change. That is precisely what releases positive energy between us.
Sometimes it demands more of us than we could realistically expect—greater generosity than daily life calls for. And that’s what builds a person, gives extraordinary strength. For me, beauty lies in the Ukrainian word peremoha. When I travel the world, I always urge people to learn it not in translation (“victory”) but in its Ukrainian meaning.
Peremohty, mohty—it means the ability to act beyond one’s own capacities. Even if we have limitations, traumas, weaknesses, there is such a thing as peremohty: to be able to do more than we can. And that is true victory.
To achieve this, we must extend ourselves a credit of trust, create good energies that allow us to do more than we believe possible. Two years ago our borders opened, solidarity emerged, and suddenly we were able to show a better face—better than before, in the context of the Belarusian border. Even those who previously stood for radical confrontation and closing the border to refugees could not silence their own consciences in the face of need—children in the Białowieża Forest who needed a simple glass of water. You can’t calm your conscience that way. Ideological arguments aren’t enough.
And suddenly Ukrainians appeared, toward whom we could be entirely different. It was a moment when we became better than ourselves, though such moments never last long. Our wisdom should lie in knowing how to appeal to what is best in us, building on that, and not giving up the work of maturing into those values.
There Are More People of Good Will
After the president vetoed the law on assistance for Ukrainian mothers and as a wave of hatred grew, one of my colleagues asked: what should I do now? Where should I go? I chose to stay in Poland, and I don’t know what I should feel or how to live, if I’m even afraid to speak Ukrainian with my child on the street.
For a moment I thought that it’s increasingly difficult today to advise your colleague where she might go to be better off. There are fewer and fewer such places in the world. Of course, that is no excuse for what’s happening in our country. But it is one of those painful lessons we receive from the modern world. I return to the idea that we are part of communicating vessels. What happens here is interdependent with other places in the world, and we often struggle to cope with that.
Let’s have no illusions: we live in an era of moral decline, a degradation of humanism.
Of course, I would like people like the one you describe to remain in Poland—because we need them. I don’t mean this in terms of budget revenue, though that’s obvious. That’s not the logic I’m using. These people are needed so that we can grow into the maturity demanded of us by the situation in the world—and so that we have a chance to change our own attitudes. Your colleague, experiencing intolerance in Poland yet still engaging in building good neighborliness, has a chance to be part of a process of change—one that won’t happen overnight and will surely bring her suffering, but in the long run it carries hope.
Because in this process there is strength and potential—we change the world where we are, not by endlessly fleeing elsewhere.
My philosophy largely rests on changing the world from within. There is a growing temptation to flee from various environments, institutions, religions, or countries because something seems unbearable or contrary to our beliefs. But that’s escape. Then we become perpetual nomads.
The answer is to stay, to find a room, to take root, and to work—with an understanding of all the conditions that come with it. Such rootedness is not the same as returning to a lost place (though may such returns be possible). It is staying within a new situation and learning it mutually—this gives a chance for growth.
A second reflection is that there are more of us than we think: us, people of good will. We live in a world that often minimizes our presence because it amplifies drama, conflict, pain, and injustice. The voice of harm reaches the media; it is harder to express good and positive emotions. This is also my work: to help people give voice to the good emotions that, I believe, dwell in everyone—even in those who hate deeply. In everyone there is a spark of a need to do something good. The problem is often how to do it, how to give it form.
We lack holidays, language, and culture for this—and politics even more so—because we live in a world where harm, pain, and hatred are easy to express. Sometimes it’s about a wise perspective: perhaps there are more of us than it seems; perhaps the politician who has won and seems monstrous does not, in fact, have all our votes.
Where is that other half of Poland? It exists—and there are ways to reach it. It’s difficult, but it gives hope.
I’ve lived in Poland for 10 years, and I’ve heard from various people that humans are inherently good—which I never heard in Ukraine. Two Poles also told me that even if people do something bad, they later regret it.
What I’m talking about is close to what I earlier called the spark of good in every person—something hard to bring out. I speak of it because it was passed on to me by people who went through real hell. Starting with Miłosz, who survived two world wars; with Holocaust survivors; with Bosnian Muslims whose relatives lie buried in Srebrenica. They could have said that the world is evil, that our actions are meaningless in the face of the destructive forces of dictatorial regimes, that building bridges is weak against military and ideological violence. And yet it was precisely they who taught me not to lose faith in the good—in that small light present in every person, regardless of which “side” they are on.
They taught me that it’s worth working to help others and ourselves—to free the good within us, to find words and time so that our conscience can be spoken, not stifled. And despite the “sober skeptics,” whose voice I respect, and despite having witnessed the core of darkness revealed by wars, I stand with my teachers, who allowed themselves neither nihilism nor agreement that good in this world is doomed to defeat.
Because if they weren’t right, would we be able to have this conversation at all, Ms. Olga?
On August 25, the President of Poland announced a veto of the government bill that was meant to regulate protection and support for families fleeing the war. This decision, and the language that accompanied it – promises to make aid for children conditional on their parent’s employment, prolonging the path to citizenship, reigniting historical disputes – is not a matter of mood, but of cold political calculation.
It strikes at Ukrainian refugee women, at their children, at the elderly and the sick; it also strikes at our schools, doctors, and local governments. Instead of certainty, it brings fear; instead of calm, it threatens family separations, secondary migration, and the erosion of trust in the Polish state.
Imagine that you are the ones at war defending your homeland – and a neighboring country treats your wives, mothers, and daughters as hostages of politics.
After the President’s decision, thousands of homes across Poland were filled with shock, bitterness, and a sense of betrayal. Mothers who fled with children and sick parents from cities and villages turned to rubble now ask themselves: where are we supposed to flee next? Women who chose Poland out of love and trust now feel that this love has not been reciprocated.
A child is not a lifeless entry in a statute, and the aid granted to that child cannot be used as leverage against their mother. Solidarity is not seasonal, it is not a trend. If it is true in March, it must also be true in August. Memory is not a cudgel. A state that, instead of healing the wounds of history, reaches for easy symbols does not build community. A state cannot be a street theater. A serious state chooses responsibility, not political spectacle: procedures, clear communication, protection of the most vulnerable.
We, Polish women – mothers, wives, daughters, sisters, and grandmothers – say it plainly: no one has the right to impose conditions, in our name, on women fleeing war. We will not accept the pain and suffering of people in need of our support being turned into fuel for political disputes. We will not allow the destruction of the trust on which community stands. This is a matter of national interest and of our common conscience. It is bridges – not walls – that turn neighbors into allies, and it is predictable and just law, together with the language of respect, that strengthens Poland’s security more than populist shouting from the podium.
Europe – and therefore we as well – has committed to continuity of protection for civilians fleeing aggression. It is our duty to keep that word. This means one thing: to confirm publicly, clearly, and without ambiguity that the families who trusted Poland will not wake up tomorrow in a legal vacuum; that no child will be punished because their parent does not have employment; that the language of power will not divide people into “ours” and “others.” For a child and their single mother, the law must be a shield, not a tool of coercion into loyalty and obedience. Politics must be service, not spectacle.
We call on you, who make the law and represent the Republic, to restore certainty of protection and to reject words that stigmatize instead of protect. Let the law serve people, not political games. Let Poland remain a home where a mother does not have to ask: “Where to now?” – because the answer will always be: “Stay in a country that keeps its word.”
This is not a dispute over legal technicalities. It is a question of the face of the Republic. Will it be a state of the word that is kept – or a state of words thrown to the wind? Will we stand on the side of mothers and children – or on the side of fear?
Signed: Polish women – mothers, wives, daughters, sisters, grandmothers.
As of today, the letter has been endorsed by over two thousand women from across Poland — among them three former First Ladies of the Republic of Poland, Nobel Prize laureate Olga Tokarczuk, and internationally acclaimed filmmaker Agnieszka Holland. Their voices stand alongside those of hundreds of other women — mothers, daughters, sisters, grandmothers — who have chosen to sign as a gesture of solidarity and moral responsibility.
The full list of signatories is available at the link below:
In 2024, Russia significantly expanded the network of «re-education camps» and increased the militarisation and indoctrination of abducted Ukrainian children. Each of these children, upon returning home, requires rehabilitation - receiving a complex of various forms of assistance. How many Ukrainian children were actually abducted by Russia, what they are taught in the «re-education camps», and what are the prospects for the return of deported Ukrainians - discussed in an interview with Olena Rozvadovska, the founder and head of «Voices of Children» Charitable Foundation.
Nataliia Zhukovska: On October 2nd, seven children aged between 3 and 14 were returned to Ukrainian-controlled territory. All of them were from the Kherson and Crimea regions. This was reported by the head of the Save Ukraine organisation, Mykola Kuleba. And at the end of September, according to the ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets, nine children were also returned home. How many Ukrainian children in total have been abducted by Russia?
Olena Rozvadovska: According to open sources, Russia has deported over 700 thousand people. The official figure from the Ukrainian authorities is around 20 thousand children. This is the number we rely on. However, it is impossible to state the exact number. Since the war continues, there might be one number of children today and another tomorrow. We also do not have access to the occupied territories or Russian territory.
A woman greets her son, who has returned from the occupied territory. Photo: SERGEI CHUZAVKOV/AFP/East News
What happens to Ukrainian children in Russia?
Recently, together with the public association «Ukrainian Network for Children's Rights», the NGO «Regional Human Rights Centre» prepared a report based on specific cases. Our part focused on children's psychological support and rehabilitation after their return. Speaking generally about what happens, according to the children, the scenarios vary.
In some cases, there is group deportation, and they are placed in various child-like camps in Crimea or on the territory of Russia and Belarus. It is known that in the occupied territories of Ukraine, processes are underway to deprive parents of their parental rights according to Russian legislation
Children can be taken under the pretext of so-called threats to life or health without further clarification. Afterwards, they can be placed in foster families. All of this is undoubtedly illegal and constitutes a war crime, which the Ukrainian side is documenting.
How does the process of «liberating» Ukrainian children take place?
Our foundation «Voices of Children» is not involved in the return of children. In fact, each case is individual. There is no return mechanism, just as there is no mechanism for prisoners of war. Generally, the official sides cannot agree on the return of a certain number of children home. This is not that type of case. Russia does not recognise the fact that these are abducted or deported children. According to the Russians, they are rescuing them from shelling. For them, this is a «humanitarian mission». We, however, understand that this is abduction, forced deportation and russification of the nation on RF territory.
Olena Rozvadovska: «Russia does not recognise the fact that these are abducted or deported children». Photo: Telegram channel of Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets
As of today, it is the relatives of the child who is in Russia that go to retrieve them. Volunteers who work in coordination with the Ministry of Integration, the President's Office, the Ombudsman, and others assist them in their logistics. That is, the relatives themselves search for those children.
What is the greatest difficulty?
The greatest difficulty is that any person who goes to Russia for the child is in a high-risk zone. There is a chance that they may not return with the child because they could be detained. Moreover, the process always involves humiliating and difficult filtration procedures and an extensive number of various checks. The return process may take several weeks or even months. In one case documented in our report, a grandmother was ready to travel to Russia to get her granddaughter. The return of the child lasted 14 months. The woman faced 18-hour interrogations at the Russian border and threats. Russia hindered the process in every way possible. To delay the child’s exit from Russia, the grandmother was made part of a criminal case. The family was only reunited after a second attempt, and only after the girl’s mother reported the obstacles faced in returning the child at a UN Security Council meeting.
The logistics are also challenging. Typically, the journey to the occupied territories or Russia involves passing through several European countries
The difficulty lies in locating, verifying, and finding these children. It is all very monotonous and complex work. According to official statistics published on the «Children of War» website, 388 children have been returned to date. As you can see, the figure is not even in the thousands. The complexity lies in the fact that there is no organised return of, for example, an entire group of children from an institutional-type facility that was taken. However, the greatest difficulty is the time we lose every day. Children who were taken at 2,5 years of age are now 5,5 years old. They may not remember what happened to them. Moreover, for the child, this is already a trauma. The longer they remain in isolation and subjected to active brainwashing, the harder it becomes to bring them back. And we understand that this is exactly what Russia is doing.
In August 2024, 14 children were successfully returned to their homeland. Photo: Telegram channel of Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets
And of course, when children end up in Russian families and are adopted, these cases are even more difficult. Imagine yourself as a little three-year-old girl. You are brought into a family, and you adapt. At that age, it does not matter where the child lives because they do not understand the situation they have ended up in. They simply live.
In your recent report, you mentioned over 5500 clubs of military-patriotic education and hundreds of «re-education camps» operating in Russia and Belarus. How exactly are Ukrainian children re-educated there? How does indoctrination occur?
This research was conducted by the Regional Human Rights Centre. Their specialists describe the patriotism lessons that the children go through. In the curriculum approved by the Russian Ministry of Education, Ukraine is not depicted as an independent and united state. According to our colleagues’ research, propaganda narratives are embedded not only in textbooks but are also imposed during extracurricular but mandatory classes such as «Conversations About Important Matters» and «Lessons of Courage». The «cadet and Cossack classes» operate within schools, aimed at preparing students for military service.
One manifestation of political indoctrination is the activities of so-called patriotic and military-patriotic movements
In Russia, so-called «re-education camps» also operate. Russia spares no expense on their operation. They are very professional in their information warfare. This machine is in full motion at every level. Every teacher, adult, and school administrator knows where to get the «correct» information that needs to be conveyed to the children. And even if someone turns on the television, they will find confirmation of everything they have already been told. In these camps, there is a system of so-called patriotic education. They introduce children to their «heroes», teach them, and sing the Russian anthem. In doing so, they erase national self-identity. The Russians' goal is to make Ukrainian children see themselves as part of the Russian people.
What methods does Russia use on Ukrainian children to make them literally forget that they are Ukrainians?
It is primarily about psychological and moral pressure. Our psychologist, who worked with a boy who was returned to Ukraine, also spoke about how he endured physical abuse and torture. I know that human rights defenders are recording even more severe and horrific cases. The hardest situation in Russia is for those children who openly demonstrate their pro-Ukrainian stance. They are constantly subjected to moral pressure and intimidation. The Russians calculated that the children would break. They were constantly told: «No one cares about you, no one will come for you. You have been forgotten. If you return, you will be recognised as collaborators or as those who worked with Russia and will be sent to prison». The children, not knowing whether it was true or not, thought: «Maybe I really will be imprisoned for being in Russia?». Any scary thought can take root in a stressed mind.
Olena Rozvadovska: «The hardest situation in Russia is for those children who openly demonstrate their pro-Ukrainian stance». Photo: Telegram channel of Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets
Freedom House, together with ZMINA. The Centre for Human Rights and the Regional Centre for Human Rights presented new evidence to the International Court regarding the direct involvement of the Lukashenko regime in the displacement, political indoctrination, and militarisation of education for over 2200 children from occupied Ukrainian territories. How can this evidence contribute to the return of Ukrainian children?
Firstly, it is about documenting violations. Cases in The Hague can take decades to review. Despite this, someone must continue documenting these violations. It is also about increasing international pressure. If no one speaks about this, documents it, or submits it, it may seem like the problem is resolved, and there are no issues. This needs to remain in the public domain and be discussed at various levels.
Of course, we would all like for this to be resolved in one day, and for Russia to be excluded even from the UN. However, we understand that it cannot be done so quickly
I believe that it is absolutely the right path for both state authorities and public organisations to continue working on documenting, collecting violations, and passing them on to the relevant institutions. As a result of documented violations, arrest warrants have been issued for Putin and Lvova-Belova. I am confident that Russian sanctions will only intensify. It is important not to grow tired of this work. Every Ukrainian, at their own level, must shout about the genocide that Russia is committing in today's world, right in the heart of Europe.
What is Ukraine doing to ensure that Russia is held accountable under international law for the abduction and illegal adoption of Ukrainian children?
Ukraine is doing everything within its power. International coalitions for the return of children are being created. International groups of prosecutors and investigators are working to document information on violations. Ukraine is regularly represented on various international platforms.
Olena Rozvadovska during a speech at a meeting of ombudsmen from 16 countries, human rights defenders and diplomats in Vienna. Photo: private archive
A wide range of measures are being taken to hold Russia accountable for its crimes - and not only those concerning children. It is unfortunate that these processes are not as swift as we would like them to be.
Your foundation, «Voices of Children», has been active since 2015. How have these «voices» changed since Russia's full-scale invasion?
Since 2015, I have been working as a volunteer with children in the east of the country along the entire frontline, and in 2019, we officially registered as a foundation. There have been many changes over nearly 10 years. In 2015, I was alone, but now our team consists of 220 people. The difference is that in 2015, the war was confined to two regions, but today it spans the entire country. Another change is that as of 2019, we had between 50 and 100 children under our care in various frontline locations and just one psychological support programme. It was very localised and targeted work. We travelled to remote villages where buses did not go. After 24 February 2022, when drones and missiles began flying across the whole of Ukraine, the format of our work changed drastically. The frontline today is more intense and much larger in scale.
Children during sessions conducted by staff from the «Voices of Children» foundation. Photo: private archive
Today, our centres are located in the largest cities along the frontline - from Chernihiv to Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Dnipro, Kryvyi Rih, and Mykolaiv. It is not easy to work there due to the constant shelling. However, the children living there need socialisation. Their schooling is online, and they do not go anywhere - so our sessions are a small escape for them. War, whether large or small, always impacts children.
Why do parents return with their children to areas under shelling despite the danger?
It is hard to understand, but that is how it is. Everyone has their own story. You cannot say that all people have lost their minds about returning to dangerous cities and villages. That is not true! Sane, healthy, and thoughtful people are returning. The reasons vary greatly. Many simply could not settle elsewhere. People leave, spend all their money on renting accommodation, fail to find work, and return. This is the reality for many families. Some remain or return to dangerous regions because they have bedridden parents they cannot leave behind. That is why I never judge these people, although I am convinced that it is wrong to remain under shelling, especially with children.
Psychologists from the «Voices of Children» foundation constantly work with children affected by the war. Photo: private archive
How do you work with parents who refuse to evacuate with their children from dangerous zones?
It is a difficult process. If adults do not want to leave the area, they simply sign a refusal to evacuate. Parents bear primary responsibility for their children. Often, they refuse out of fear. Here, the state has not done enough to ensure that everyone has a clear understanding of where these people are going. They need to have at least some certainty in emergency situations. There is another group of parents who simply abuse their position and manipulate their children. Generally, these are the adults who do not take care of their children and are not interested in saving their mental health and lives. The state mechanisms must also work in these cases.
These children need to be removed. This is the job of social services, but it is not easy for them to work on the frontline. Many factors have come together to create the situation as it stands
I remember one story where we moved a family with three children from a frontline village and bought them a house in a rear area. A year later, they returned to their village. In this situation, there was nothing we could do because we do not have the right to remove children from their families.
What is the current psychological state of the children? Does it differ depending on where they live in Ukraine?
Various factors influence the psychological state of children. Certainly, the place of residence plays a role. There is a difference between living in Uzhhorod and living in Zaporizhzhia. These are two completely different realities. Obviously, the more dangerous the area of residence, the more threatening the situation for their mental health. However, much also depends on the family. A child senses the anxiety of adults. Parents are the window to the outside world for children. It is not just the rockets that scare them during war, but also their mother’s reaction to them. The presence of education, peer groups and opportunities for communication also have an impact on a child's mental health. Children in Kharkiv and Zaporizhzhia suffer greatly. Recently, we gathered children’s dreams in Zaporizhzhia, and one girl wrote: «I want this online schooling to finally end».
A session with children conducted by the «Voices of Children» foundation. Photo: private archive
Our psychologists report that today, children are more frequently presenting with anxiety and depressive states, especially teenagers. Some children develop enuresis, hand tremors, and sleep disturbances. Others, due to stress or traumatic experiences, may exhibit eating behaviour disorders.
What do you think the state should do to work with children currently abroad, and how should they be brought back?
We understand that in addition to returning children abducted by Russia, we also need to work with those who are currently displaced abroad. Ukraine must be highly interested in ensuring that all working-age people, and not only children, return. For example, we often receive requests for online psychological assistance from parents abroad, as they are looking for Ukrainian-speaking specialists for their children. It is no secret that living abroad was a dream for some, but for many, it is not a fairytale.
A very large number of people dream of returning home. However, urging them to do so now is certainly wrong, as the war continues
For people to return, the economy must function, jobs need to be created, and education must develop. But first and foremost, the war must end with our victory.
Children at the «Voices of Children» camp in Zakarpattia. Photo: private archive
Even the country with the best economy in the world cannot function normally when drones hit schools. It is abnormal and wrong. Today, hubs need to be created so that people abroad can still feel connected to Ukraine and remain within the Ukrainian information space. Moreover, we must constantly keep the world's attention focused and, of course, talk about the fact that Ukraine alone cannot counter Russian propaganda and stop such a powerful enemy.
У школах Польщі навчається майже 200 тисяч школярів-українців, вже півтора роки від початку широкомасштабної війни Росії в Україні. Деякі проблеми інтеграції та організації навчального процесу вдалося подолати, але багато питань залишається. Які зміни чекають у новому навчальному році? Що зроблено для інтеграції українських дітей у польське учнівське середовище? Що буде, якщо повідомити неправильну адресу проживання шкільній адміністрації? Чим приватна школа відрізняється від державної? Про все це читаєте у матеріалі видання Sestry.
Про безплатні ноутбуки, іспити та інтеграцію
Минулоріч у польських школах виникали труднощі з адаптацією українських дітей-воєнних біженців. Питання були не лише через мовний бар’єр і нерозуміння навчального матеріалу. Діти з територій, охоплених війною, важко звикали до нового середовища, лякались гучних звуків, не могли порозумітись з польськими однолітками тощо. З нового навчального року у школах Польщі запроваджені новації, які дещо поліпшують ситуацію.
Основні зміни для українців у польських школах у 2023/2024 навчальному році такі:
• вводяться додаткові заняття з польської мови (від 6 годин на тиждень) індивідуально або у групах до 15 осіб;
• з'явиться можливість складати випускні іспити з іноземної мови, яку діти вивчали в українській школі;
• українці матимуть окремі терміни подання заяв для складання іспитів. 15 березня 2024 року - кінцевий термін подання на іспити після 8 класу, на атестат зрілості та професійний іспит;
• для учнів підготовчого класу (так званий нульовий клас для дітей 6–7 років) не буде щорічної атестації, якщо дитина погано володіє польською мовою (має бути відповідне рішення педагогічної ради);
• будуть створені додаткові групи у дошкільних навчальних закладах та 1-3 класах шкіл;
• навчальні заклади зможуть брати на роботу фахівців – психологів та соціальних педагогів, наприклад – без педагогічної освіти, які надаватимуть психологічну підтримку школярам. Крім цього, в екзаменаційній комісії працюватимуть люди зі знанням української мови;
• з’являться спеціальні інтеграційні та комбіновані групи, що спростить процес адаптації українців та дозволить їм ефективніше розібратися у навчальному процесі;
• українські діти зможуть взяти участь у програмі, за якою чотирикласникам видаватимуть ноутбуки. 7 липня 2023 року Сейм Польщі ухвалив Закон про підтримку розвитку цифрових компетенцій учнів та вчителів. Згідно з ним, забезпечення учнів безкоштовними комп'ютерами розпочнеться вже у 2023/2024 навчальному році. Батькам польських школярів, а також дітям з інших країн, які підуть до четвертого класу польських шкіл, можна буде оформити заявку на отримання ноутбука. Опція доступна як для учнів державних, так і для приватних шкіл.
Учні здають телефони у школі у Варшаві на час занять. Фото авторки
Отже, це торкається новацій. А тепер розберемо як на практиці вже відбувається процес навчання на прикладах українок, чиї діти відвідують школи у Польщі.
«Більше року в Польщі, а мову не вчать»
Українці Ірині з Києва школа у Варшаві подобається, хоча був один момент, що її збентежив: «Син пішов у перший клас 166 школи на Волі (район Варшави – ред.). У класі із 18 учнів 10 – українці. Було соромно, коли вчителі в чаті робили зауваження, що багато дітей вже понад рік в Польщі, а мову не вчать і даремно просиджують штани на уроках. Сподіваюся, обіцяні додаткові заняття з польської мови багатьох дисциплінують і будуть поштовхом до її вивчення», – вважає Ірина.
Мама другокласника Олена Катасонова живе за 40 км від Варшави у місті Груєць, у них із 17 осіб у класі 3 – українці.
«Ставлення хороше, минулого навчального року Рома був старостою класу, однокласники звуть на всі дні народження, атмосфера доброзичлива. У школі всі кабінети, а також туалет, їдальня, роздягальня підписані польською та українською мовами. У школі двічі на тиждень були безкоштовні додаткові заняття з польської мови. Зараз кажуть, що буде більше годин», – розповідає Олена про навчання свого 8-річного сина. Вона вважає, що головне дати дітям можливість навчатися. Далі вже від учнів та батьків залежить як скористатись цим шансом.
Роман Катасонов. Фото з архіву авторки
Як потрапити до школи, що не належить до вашого району?
Українці, що втікали від війни і отримали статус тимчасового захисту в Польщі (мусить мати PESEL ukr – це ідентифікаційний номер, який є у кожного резидента держави, за яким визначаються і питання працевлаштування, освіти, охорони здоров’я тощо) мають право подавати документи до будь-якої школи в цій країні. Однак треба зважати на ситуацію в кожному конкретному регіоні. Наприклад, школи Варшави зараз переповнені. І якщо прагнете, щоб дитина ходила до школи, що не відноситься до вашого району, то, швидше за все, вам відмовлять. Тому що зобов'язані взяти, в першу чергу, тих дітей, які проживають на відповідній території. У школах найчастіше просять показати договір оренди квартири, щоб з’ясувати це при прийомі дитини.
«Буває так, що школа за 3-4 км від будинку набагато краща, ніж найближча. А договір оренди у Польщі – це, по суті, надрукований на принтері документ без печаток. Але не слід забувати, що у країні законність документа засвідчують підписи, у договорі оренди є PESEL та дані власника житла. І за ними дуже просто все перевірити, бо школа інформує ужонд (місцева адміністрація в Польщі – ред.), звідки до них поступають на навчання діти. І там якраз уже можуть порівняти, чи правдиві дані вказані у договорі оренди», – попереджає фахівець з питань легалізації у Польщі Юлія Приходько.
Є легальний спосіб потрапити до школи, що не належить до вашого району, і для цього можна, наприклад, зареєструватися у хостелі у потрібному районі. У такому разі ви не порушуєте закон, але займаєте місця тих, хто проживає на цій території.
Скринька, де можна залишити лист до психолога. Школа у Варшаві. Фото авторки
«Ми не будемо вам прислужувати»
У польських школах бувають ситуації, до яких батьки виявляються не готові. Часто це стосується інклюзивних форм освіти.
Марина Леонова з Харкова має двох дітей. Цього року її хлопчики пішли у 7 та 3 клас школи номер 2 у районі Урсус у Варшаві.
«Це інтеграційна школа, де можуть навчатись як звичайні дітки, так і учні з особливостями. У мого молодшого сина Михайлика аутизм, тому школу обрали саме цю, хоча в нашому районі є декілька інших закладів. І от з його навчанням ситуація виявилась складною. Водночас мого старшого сина Івана вчителі та однокласники зустріли дуже добре, для українських дітей там є 6 годин польської на тиждень – додатково та безкоштовно», – ділиться Марина.
У класі, де навчається Михайло, загалом 26 дітей. Окрім сина Марини, є ще одна дитина з аутизмом.
«Не знаю, хто правий у цій ситуації, але з початку навчального року мені дають зрозуміти, що моя молодша дитина незручна. Я сподівалась, що в інтеграційній школі знайдуть підхід до сина, але там не розуміють проявів його емоцій.
Наприклад, Мишко може підійти та обійняти іншого хлопчика за живіт, або голосно заплакати. Раніше у нас був особистий тьютор, але у цій школі є один тьютор для всіх дітей, і він не завжди перебуває поруч з моїм сином. У школі сказали, що не прислуговуватимуть нам і натякнули, щоб ми шукали для Михайла спеціалізований навчальний заклад», – розповідає мама хлопчика.
Віддавати його до спецшколи Марина Леонова не хоче – було докладено надто багато сил, щоби адаптувати дитину з особливими потребами до життя у суспільстві. Сьогодні Мишко спокійно ходить з мамою магазинами, подорожує і не створює особливих проблем. Марина щиро вірить, що у школі він теж адаптується, що йому почнуть приділяти більше уваги.
Від 2400 до 9000 злотих за приватну школу
Про ефективне використання можливостей освіти знає Аліна, мати Іллі Сніжко, який відвідував приватну польську школу весь минулий навчальний рік. Перед цим кілька місяців дитина навчалася у державній школі на Жолібожі (ще один район Варшави). В Україні хлопчик вчився в англомовній школі і англійською розмовляв не гірше рідної, української. За першої ж нагоди у Польщі його перевели до приватного закладу з англійською мовою навчання.
«На своєму досвіді ми відчули, наскільки сильно відрізняється освіта у приватній та державній школі. По-перше, у звичайній школі 33 учня у класі, де вчителі фізично не в змозі приділити всім увагу, домашні завдання фактично не перевіряються, і дуже багато тримається на самодисципліні. Для мене було відкриттям, наскільки м'які тут учителі. У нас би вже викликали батьків до школи, якось покарали, а тут намагаються заспокоїти і загалом дітям дозволяють дуже багато. Працює принцип, що дитину не можна нічого змушувати робити без їі волі», – дивується жінка.
Після кількох місяців у державній школі батьки перевели сина до приватної двомовної школи. Зміни очевидні: у класі вдвічі менше дітей, домашніх завдань набагато більше та контроль за успішністю вище. На вході школярі залишають телефони у спеціальному осередку у адміністратора і забрати їх можуть лише, коли йдуть додому о 17-18 годині.
«Мені сподобалося, що дітей стимулюють до знань. Наприклад, за гарну успішність запрошують на чаювання з директором, всіляко заохочують, діти пишуть навіть наукові роботи англійською, дуже цікава група продовженого дня.
Є сквош, барабани, піаніно та спортивні активності. Пропонують екскурсії, поїздки вихідного дня, подорожі на канікулах країнами Європи. В принципі, створюється така атмосфера, що дитина сама хоче вчитися. Але програма п'ятого класу приблизно як в Україні у восьмому, дуже багато додаткових занять», – розповідає мама.
Приватна школа у Варшаві задоволення не з дешевих. Ціна двомовної школи коливається в межах 2400-4000 злотих на місяць, ціна за англомовну школу може сягати 9 тисяч злотих на місяць. Додатково оплачуються гуртки та секції за інтересами, шкільна форма, обіди, фонд екскурсій та друковані робочі зошити. При цьому в хороших приватних школах Варшави важко знайти місця, а вступні іспити не набагато легші, ніж до університету. Договір із приватною школою, як правило, укладається на рік. А якщо батьки вирішили розірвати його раніше, то часто зобов'язані попередити щонайменше, ніж за 4 місяці. Аліна змогла відновити бізнес у Польщі, той, що до війни мала в Україні, тому має надію впоратися з зобов’язаннями, адже її мета – найкраща освіта для сина.
Загалом, польська система освіти підходить до учня, в першу чергу, як до особистості – дитину не контролюють, не сварять, не змушують навчатися. Це чудово, бо йдеться про розвиток особистості. І водночас такий принцип вимагає самодисципліни від учня, тобто, дитина отримає знання, якщо вона сама цього хоче. Для нас, українців, де батьки звикли примушувати дітей виконувати домашні завдання, все перевіряти і сварити, трохи незвично. Правда?
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