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20
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«I like killing people». How conversations that no one was supposed to hear became dialogues everyone must listen to

«And how do the locals treat you?» - asks the wife of a Russian military commander over the phone. «The locals are starting to get angry... - he replies. - All the agriculture, all the industry is at a standstill. A mother was walking with two children... And so what, our guys shot her in front of the children. Killed her». «Well, she is an enemy too!» - the woman approves of what she hears

Kateryna Kopanieva

The cognitive dissonance arises from the fact that Russian occupiers are human, but their actions are inhumane. Photo: Instagram Libkos

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This conversation between a Russian occupier and his wife was intercepted by Ukrainian intelligence on May 7th 2022. A fragment of the dialogue became part of the film by Ukrainian director Oksana Karpovych titled Intercepted (or in the Ukrainian version «Мирні люди» (Peaceful people)), which premiered at the Berlinale in late February. The film received a special mention from the ecumenical jury in the Forum section, a commendation from Amnesty International’s jury, and was one of the most discussed films at the festival. The film also won top awards at WATCH DOCS 2024 and international film festivals in Krakow and Hong Kong.

European viewers were shocked by the conversations of Russian soldiers describing to their wives and mothers how they enjoyed torturing and shooting people. Equally striking was the reaction of the women, who, in a mundane tone, asked for details and even endorsed the horrific crimes - some even urged their husbands to rape Ukrainian women and speculated on how they themselves would torture Ukrainian children. Against the backdrop of these recordings, the destruction and chaos left by the Russians in Ukraine are shown. Director Oksana Karpovych describes the film as a «collocation of two realities»: the reality of Ukrainians experiencing the war and the reality of Russians waging it.

The film Intercepted is not yet publicly available, it will appear in Ukraine no earlier than June

Excerpts of intercepted conversations were published throughout 2022 on the official websites of the SBU and GUR of Ukraine. Ukrainian journalist and activist Yulia Nikitina, who collaborated with director Oksana Karpovych during the film’s creation, personally collected, transcribed, and systematised over 500 such recordings. They became part of an online «Citizen's Encyclopaedia» created by Yulia.

- Transcribing the interceptions was not easy for me: after hearing what I did, it took me a long time to recover, - Yulia Nikitina tells Sestry. - I understand the shock of European viewers - the scenes in the film must have completely shifted gears in their perception of what is happening.

Many people in Europe are convinced that Putin alone is responsible for the war. And then they hear Russian soldiers talking about how they enjoy killing civilians. Meanwhile, the mothers and wives of these soldiers endorse their actions and ask them to bring back items from the Ukrainians they have killed.

I would like foreign journalists to use the materials from the encyclopaedia as often as possible, as it contains all the intercepted conversations from 2022 - these are pieces of evidence that will help many people in other countries open their eyes to what is happening in Russia. When Oksana Karpovych contacted me while working on the film, I sped up the transcriptions to assist her.

«I would cut off these children's ears every day, one by one, a finger at a time»...

The most horrifying recordings (some of which were included in the film) are gathered in the section «Executioners of Ukraine». Many of these Russians were identified by Ukrainian special services, so their surnames and even photographs are included in the encyclopaedia.

For example, there is a woman who, in one recording, tells her husband that she would personally torture children. She worked in a children's hospital (!), where small Ukrainian children abducted by the Russians were brought.

Russians Julia and Volodymyr Kopytov are featured in the intercepted recording published on May 11th 2022, where Julia tells her husband:

«You know, these children are telling our children that May 9th «is not our holiday». These children, our children at school, are saying it. And you know, they will grow up, and it will continue like that... Why does Putin say, «All of you, go to Russia?» These idiots... They should have been killed right there and then».

- You are so kind.

- I would have injected them with drugs, looked them in the eyes and said: «Die». I would have cut off their genitals, carved stars into their backs, and cut off an ear every day, a finger too, just to make it painful for them.

- But they are children, Julia.

- I simply hate these Ukrainians, Volodya, now I hate them even more. I would have shot even those children».

Bakhmut, 2023. Photo: Instagram Libkos

- The reactions of women are, in many cases, even more horrifying than what their husbands describe, - notes Yulia Nikitina. - A husband says he killed a woman in front of her children, and the wife approves. Another occupier's wife herself urges her husband to rape Ukrainian women: «Go on, rape those Ukrainian women, I allow it» (this conversation between Russian soldier Roman Bykovskyi and his wife Olga was intercepted on April 12th 2022. - Author). The willingness to normalise any atrocity, as long as you are on the same side as those committing it, is striking.

Another topic is the mothers of Russian soldiers. Devout women, who talk about attending church, urge their sons «to kill more Ukrainians». Other mothers are completely indifferent. In one recording, an occupier complains to his mother about the frontline situation - telling her that commanders are sending soldiers «to the slaughter», that soldiers try to escape at the first opportunity. To which the mother tells him to stay until the end, convincing him that he is «atoning for his past life, in which he betrayed the homeland». It does not seem to bother her that her son might die.

«You can make 21 roses on a man's body»

The main figures in the intercepted conversation from May 3rd 2022 are Russian soldier Konstantin Solovyov and his mother Tatyana from Kaliningrad Oblast. Konstantin, serving in the 11th Army Corps of the Baltic Fleet and stationed in Kharkiv Oblast, tells his mother:

«In front of my eyes, basically (and I participated in it too), prisoners were tortured. By the FSB officers. Do you know what a «rose» is? You can make 21 roses on a man's body. Twenty fingers and, pardon me, the genitalia. Have you seen how a rose unfolds and opens? The same way, the skin is peeled off along the bones with flesh, and then all the fingers... The same is done there... Or another torture method, I forgot its name - they insert a pipe into the anus and push barbed wire into it... This barbed wire method is said to be from Chechnya... I do not feel even a bit of pity... I enjoy it so much».

The mother of the torturer, who at the beginning of the conversation talks about visiting churches and praying for her son, calmly listens and says: «I always told you that I still restrain myself. If I were there, I would enjoy it too. We are the same, you and I».

Avdiivka, 2023. Photo: Instagram Libkos

- It is worth noting that sometimes (very rarely) there were sane people on the recordings who were shocked by what was happening, - says Yulia Nikitina. - In the encyclopaedia, I called this section «Glimpses of Conscience». It is the shortest section - because, unfortunately, there are few glimpses.

For example, there is a conversation between a Russian soldier and a woman, either his former classmate or childhood friend. He calls her from the frontline and tells her what he is doing in Ukraine. The woman, horrified, asks: «You are doing what?!» She asks him never to call her again. To which the occupier promises to «return and straighten her out».

European viewers have reportedly questioned the authenticity of the recordings.

As someone who personally transcribed these conversations, I can say with absolute certainty that they are genuine. There are things that simply cannot be acted - such as accents and regional dialects

For instance, the language used by representatives of the so-called «L/DPR» is unmistakable due to their characteristic «ponyal» at the end of every sentence. Occupiers from the Far East have very distinctive accents. Depending on the date and region where the Russians were located, the recordings reveal how their mood shifted - from euphoria in the Kyiv region, when they looted wealthy homes, to panic during the liberation of Kharkiv and Kherson regions by Ukrainian Armed Forces. In these later recordings, the occupiers complain to their relatives about sleeping in puddles, being sent to their deaths by commanders, and the state failing to pay the promised money.

«Imagine how they lived? And how we live, damn it»...

Intercepted on March 30th 2022. Kyiv region. Russian soldier Andrey calls his wife to tell her he has «stolen some cosmetics» and «women's trainers, branded, size 38…».

His wife is delighted: «All for the house, all for the family… It will be a souvenir from Ukraine, totally fine. What Russian does not nick something, right!». She plans to give the trainers to their daughter and justifies the looting: «They will be for Sofia! I am sure all the guys have taken stuff, not just you!»

The man worries that he does not have a bag, which prevents him from stealing a laptop as well. His wife insists: «Sofia needs a laptop for her studies too, damn it». The man reports that the family he is robbing is «sporty», so he «took vitamins, sports vests and shorts».

«Take everything, Andrey. Whatever you can - take it. Imagine how they lived? And how we live, damn it…»

Mykolaiv, 2022. Photo: Instagram Libkos

- It was important for me to document every recording - with the date of interception and the occupiers’ locations, - says Yulia Nikitina. - The purpose of the encyclopaedia is to collect only reliable and verified data. I created it even before the full-scale invasion, and initially, it was a reference guide about Kyiv, including dossiers on Kyiv City Council deputies, details about green space disputes and other issues. When the full-scale war began, I decided to document the interceptions. In the media, such information quickly gets lost in the news feed. But in the reference guide, it is always easy to find. Soon, I plan to start transcribing interceptions from 2023.

Reflecting on the causes of the Russians’ cruelty (both soldiers and their families), Yulia Nikitina says:

- I believe it is the result of the degradation of several generations.

I think the mothers of the occupiers are the key to understanding this phenomenon

Most of them are apathetic, speak slowly, and whatever their sons tell them - whether it is about torturing someone or their imminent death - the mothers seem unbothered. It is as if they were asleep.

It is evident that such a mother raised her child in this state - without trying to teach or protect them. All her life, this woman believes she is a small person, with no agency. She does not want to change anything and sees no point in doing so - willing to blindly accept anything. If the television says the «special operation» is justified, she agrees.

Inhuman actions by humans

Director Oksana Karpovych revealed at the Berlin Film Festival that she lived in Canada for nine years but returned to Ukraine three weeks before the full-scale invasion, witnessing events in Kyiv firsthand. The idea for the film emerged after she listened to the first excerpts of intercepted conversations published by Ukrainian intelligence.

The director shared that during the film’s production, she wanted access to even more intercepted recordings that had not been published. However, they remain classified by the Security Service of Ukraine.

«The cognitive dissonance arises from the fact that Russian occupiers are human, but their actions are inhumane, - Karpovych quotes the German publication Arsenal. - To show this inhumanity, I had to show humanity. This principle guided my choice of interceptions. I searched for conversations about everyday life that portrayed Russian soldiers as ordinary people, relatable to anyone anywhere in the world. This helps illustrate the stages of degradation through which Russians have passed».

The degradation of Russian society, according to Oksana Karpovych, is the result of a long-term strategy by the Russian government.

Psychologists also attribute the atrocities committed by Russians to propaganda.

- What we hear on intercepted recordings is undoubtedly the result of propaganda: for the last several decades, Russians have been told via television screens that threats stem from Western countries (and later from Ukraine), - explains forensic psychology expert Yuriy Irkhin of the Kyiv Research Institute of Forensic Examinations. - Simultaneously, the cult of victory over Nazism (which has transformed into a true obsession) and the cult of war - the readiness to fight against a mythical threat «to avoid war» - were being propagated. For this idea, Russian women are willing to sacrifice even their husbands and sons. In some recordings, they explicitly say: «Die, but save us from this Nazism».

Bakhmut, 2022. Photo: Instagram Libkosv

However, I would not describe Russians purely as victims of propaganda. Those who wish to think and analyse do so. When you enter a restaurant, you can choose your dish or eat whatever is served, regardless of its quality. The same applies to information - people always have a choice about what they consume. Unfortunately, most Russians prefer to consume what is given to them - it is easier that way. And we see how this leads to moral degradation and moral deformity.

For a mentally healthy person, it is inconceivable how individuals can be so cruel. This is why people in European countries question whether the intercepted recordings are genuine, as what they hear defies common sense.

As a forensic psychology expert, I have listened to numerous intercepted recordings of occupiers’ conversations, and even investigators have asked me whether there is any hidden meaning in the occupiers’ words. But no, the meanings are quite straightforward. They mean exactly what they say. Most of these conversations are very primitive. There are recordings where women, listening to their husbands describe torture, clearly experience real ecstasy.

This is a specific type of person inclined towards violence. This is why the husbands of these women joined the so-called «special operation». I work with Russian prisoners of war and can say that many among them share this disposition. They joined this war to fulfil their animalistic instinct, their desire to dominate and rape. Such beasts are primarily sent to the frontlines in the Russian army, where they are instructed: «Kill all Ukrainians without exception. Destroy everything. We are building a new world here». And they destroy. The wives and mothers of these beasts are mostly the same.

Certainly, there are exceptions.

From my experience, out of every 60 occupiers, there are approximately two soldiers who did not want to kill and even tried to stop others. But two out of sixty is extremely few

Besides the true beasts, there are many who joined the «special operation» with the aim of getting rich. These are the ones who looted homes, taking everything from valuables to toilets. There are recordings where their wives give «helpful advice» - suggesting they look for money in bedding or the freezer. This is also a specific type of person: in these cases too, the wives and their husbands are the same.

- The war that the Putin regime unleashed against Ukraine would have been psychologically and physically impossible without Ukrainians being entirely dehumanised in the Russian collective consciousness, - comments social psychologist Svitlana Chunikhina for Sestry. - Before setting the goals of «denazification» and «demilitarisation» of Ukraine, Russian propaganda carried out extensive work to dehumanise its citizens.

We observe that this dehumanisation is even more characteristic of Russia’s civilian population (such as the mothers) than of combatants, who see the situation up close and can understand that on the other side of the front line are people, not mythical Nazis.

Commenting on the behaviour of the mothers of Russian soldiers, many of whom are indifferent even to the fate of their own sons, Svitlana Chunikhina says:

- Among the values of Russians, the value of human life is not, to put it mildly, a priority. Historically, they have been shaped to consider the honour of the state as superior to any human need. The powerful influence of propaganda over the past ten years has led to politics being widely perceived by Russians as a supreme value. Even natural maternal feelings are completely distorted through this warped perspective.

Another reason for the mothers’ unnatural indifference could be the terror that Russians feel towards their own regime. This terror is so intense that it becomes unbearable. Thus, by repressing these intolerable feelings into the unconscious, the women exhibit extreme indifference towards their own children.

Russian society is undoubtedly afflicted and infected by propaganda. Most Russians possess an imperial consciousness and view neighbouring peoples as less significant, less valuable, and obligated to submit. However, without the powerful influence of propaganda and the grotesque transformation of the Putin regime into outright dictatorship, Russian society would likely not have approved, let alone initiated, this war.

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A Ukrainian journalist with 15 years of experience. She worked as a special correspondent for the national Ukrainian newspaper «Facts», covering emergencies, high-profile court cases and writing about prominent people, as well as the lives and education of Ukrainians abroad. She has also collaborated with a number of international media outlets.

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On August 25, the President of Poland announced a veto of the government bill that was meant to regulate protection and support for families fleeing the war. This decision, and the language that accompanied it – promises to make aid for children conditional on their parent’s employment, prolonging the path to citizenship, reigniting historical disputes – is not a matter of mood, but of cold political calculation.

It strikes at Ukrainian refugee women, at their children, at the elderly and the sick; it also strikes at our schools, doctors, and local governments. Instead of certainty, it brings fear; instead of calm, it threatens family separations, secondary migration, and the erosion of trust in the Polish state.

Imagine that you are the ones at war defending your homeland – and a neighboring country treats your wives, mothers, and daughters as hostages of politics.

After the President’s decision, thousands of homes across Poland were filled with shock, bitterness, and a sense of betrayal. Mothers who fled with children and sick parents from cities and villages turned to rubble now ask themselves: where are we supposed to flee next? Women who chose Poland out of love and trust now feel that this love has not been reciprocated.

A child is not a lifeless entry in a statute, and the aid granted to that child cannot be used as leverage against their mother. Solidarity is not seasonal, it is not a trend. If it is true in March, it must also be true in August. Memory is not a cudgel. A state that, instead of healing the wounds of history, reaches for easy symbols does not build community. A state cannot be a street theater. A serious state chooses responsibility, not political spectacle: procedures, clear communication, protection of the most vulnerable.

We, Polish women – mothers, wives, daughters, sisters, and grandmothers – say it plainly: no one has the right to impose conditions, in our name, on women fleeing war. We will not accept the pain and suffering of people in need of our support being turned into fuel for political disputes. We will not allow the destruction of the trust on which community stands. This is a matter of national interest and of our common conscience. It is bridges – not walls – that turn neighbors into allies, and it is predictable and just law, together with the language of respect, that strengthens Poland’s security more than populist shouting from the podium.

Europe – and therefore we as well – has committed to continuity of protection for civilians fleeing aggression. It is our duty to keep that word. This means one thing: to confirm publicly, clearly, and without ambiguity that the families who trusted Poland will not wake up tomorrow in a legal vacuum; that no child will be punished because their parent does not have employment; that the language of power will not divide people into “ours” and “others.” For a child and their single mother, the law must be a shield, not a tool of coercion into loyalty and obedience. Politics must be service, not spectacle.

We call on you, who make the law and represent the Republic, to restore certainty of protection and to reject words that stigmatize instead of protect. Let the law serve people, not political games. Let Poland remain a home where a mother does not have to ask: “Where to now?” – because the answer will always be: “Stay in a country that keeps its word.”

This is not a dispute over legal technicalities. It is a question of the face of the Republic. Will it be a state of the word that is kept – or a state of words thrown to the wind? Will we stand on the side of mothers and children – or on the side of fear?

Signed:
Polish women – mothers, wives, daughters, sisters, grandmothers.

As of today, the letter has been endorsed by over two thousand women from across Poland — among them three former First Ladies of the Republic of Poland, Nobel Prize laureate Olga Tokarczuk, and internationally acclaimed filmmaker Agnieszka Holland. Their voices stand alongside those of hundreds of other women — mothers, daughters, sisters, grandmothers — who have chosen to sign as a gesture of solidarity and moral responsibility.

The full list of signatories is available at the link below:

https://docs.google.com/document/d/135yP6XadgyRJmECLyIaxQTHcOyjOVy9Y4mgFP9klzIM/edit?tab=t.0

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Letter of protest of Polish women to the Prime Minister, the Sejm, the Senate and the President of the Republic of Poland

Sestry

Melania Krych: What is this Zryw [eng. Surge]  all about?

Julia Wojciechowska: We’re the generation that, at the time of the government transition in 2015, was still in our teens. Our coming of age was marked by constant political debate — at home, at school, on the streets. And it was a debate that neither included us nor spoke to us. But times have changed.

Agnieszka Gryz: Do you know the playbook for apathy? When the key political events unfold right under your nose, shaping your tomorrow, and yet you can neither cast a vote nor even raise your voice. Zryw didn’t begin the day we registered the Foundation — it began, piece by piece, within each of us, years ago.

JW: And yes, now we run a Foundation. We’re not selling a cat in a bag: we are political, but we are not partisan. We want to build the next generation of state leaders. We’ve just finished recruitment for our first zryw, a four-day public leadership retreat in the Tatra mountains.  

Why public servants? Don’t we have enough of those?

JW: The bench is short and not very attractive. We have experts, and we have politicians. The experts have spent the last eight years climbing corporate ladders or building Euro-careers in Brussels; they have families to support. And suddenly they’re supposed to destabilize their lives to take a ministry job for a quarter of the salary?
Meanwhile, there are plenty of young people who can and want to step in but no one is inviting them. And what’s more, when they knock on the door themselves, no one cares to open it.

AG: Right now, the most reliable “pipeline” into public service is through party youth wings. Those are often comprised of people who, from a very young age, have been focused solely on securing a particular seat. And once they’re in it, they don’t want to leave. What would their alternative be? And while not all youth wings are the same, the young people we’ve met often had neither vision nor their own ideas, only the party line that raised them.

That’s not the kind of public service we want Zryw to represent. Our diagnosis isn’t about a lack of knowledge or experience. What’s missing are people willing to make decisions and take responsibility for them; to risk and bear the consequences. State leaders, not mouthpieces of the party. I still remember being deeply struck by the words of Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz, then a minister. Asked about the stability of his profession, he replied that his coat always hung on the back of his chair: “I am a public servant and a politician, and I must always be ready… at any moment. If I have to leave, I take my coat and I go.” We want to fear neither stepping in nor out.

Who applied to the first Zryw? Who did you select?

AG: The range was incredible. From doctors and engineers to political science students and civil servants. We received applications from 149 towns across all 16 Polish regions, plus 12 cities abroad. The final group is eclectic in the best way: a trainee fighter jet pilot, a former health expert abroad, aspiring local government leader.

“Zryw” during introductory conversations. Photo: private archive

JW: But only 35% of applications came from women. However, among those invited for interviews, women made up half,  because the candidates who did apply, were incredibly strong. That’s a slightly higher ratio than the proportion of women in our parliament. It shows that the imbalance of opportunities starts much earlier.

This won’t fix itself, but our group speaks for itself: neither Zryw nor Poland has a shortage of capable, ambitious women.

Right, I’ll tell you an anecdote. We recently received a lengthy comment on a blog post ["Our Favorite Elections: Who's Joining the September Zryw?" - Ed.], in which we mentioned the deficit of female applicants. Someone criticized us for “making up inequality,” since recruitment was open to everyone, they argued. “Anyone could click the link.” They claimed that bringing up such stats could discourage young men from public service because nowadays, any and all gender differences are painted as discrimination.

And how did you take that comment?

AG: Honestly, I was glad! Someone took the time to write out their thoughts. Polemic is a valuable legacy of Polish public life, and it’s an honor to partake in and to foster it. Of course, I disagreed with the arguments themselves, because discrimination and systemic inequality are not the same thing.

JW: In a nutshell, discrimination means unequal treatment or neglect. It would apply if one group had been treated preferentially. Then you could say the others were discriminated against. But we had no preferences. What we did consider were the ground realities of Poland’s education system and cultural patterns that shape what people feel is possible for them. And in Poland, that burden falls especially on young women, who are often brought up according to a different set of values. As girls, we’re taught to be polite, to obey. Boys will be boys: they get a pass to mess around, to take risks. And that carries over into adult life, including our careers.

AG: Equality doesn’t always mean equal opportunity. Leveling the playing field requires special attention to the needs shaped by years of conforming to social and cultural norms. And often, forms of exclusion that aren’t necessarily written into law but affect people’s lives nonetheless. Going forward, we pledge to ensure that women not only get access, but also an actual encouragement to apply.

JW: Many of us in Zryw studied abroad, which makes the contrast all the more striking. I was in England, where class divides are the bigger issue. But after returning to Poland, I’ve spoken with countless young women who face a powerful mental barrier—they doubt their own abilities and potential. And yet, so often, they have far greater knowledge and social awareness than many of the men I meet who are already part of the state apparatus.

As a Foundation, we can’t overlook this—when we see inequality, we take it into account.

How did Zryw come about?

AG: It all started with sleeping on mattresses. The year was 2023, a parliamentary election year — time to rise to the challenge. A dozen or so of us came together to build a campaign for Parliament from scratch. We barely knew each other. For several months, our candidate’s apartment turned into a kind of “transfer station”: it began with five people, by the end, there were fifteen, and many more passed through along the way. That group of fifteen became the core on which we built Zryw. Because we discovered something important — not only could we survive living on top of each other in one small flat, but we could actually make things happen together.

JW: It all started through word of mouth. In ’23 we were acting on our own initiative, and the news spread: to friends, and then to friends of friends. Take me and Aga, for example. We only knew each other from afar, and only virtually. Back during Covid, we happened to organize student conferences at the same time. Every now and then, we’d catch a glimpse of each other on Zoom or on social media. Then the parliamentary election came.

AG: That’s right. I asked if I could join the campaign; I texted Julia on Instagram, I had seen her repost something relating to our candidate. The timing was right, the whole thing was only getting started. After the successful election campaign, we wanted to harness that energy and channel it toward something. We realized there was no point in waiting for a window of opportunity, and we had to open it ourselves. That’s why we created Zryw: to capture that national surge of energy, give it shape, and direct it where it’s needed most.

From left to right: Agnieszka Gryz, Alicja Dryja, Alicja Kępka, Agnieszka Homańska. Photo: private archive

So, where is it needed most?

JW: Over the past two years, we’ve seen how much absurdity and inertia you run into when working in ministries. Take salaries, for example—some of them, quite frankly, make it impossible to live in the capital. 3,200 zł net? That’s an extreme case, but a real one. And many people in Zryw know this firsthand. They came back from abroad, wanting to work for the state, and were willing to accept those conditions because they had a vision. Some managed to endure, while others left—whether due to financial strain or a lack of room to grow.

AG: We believe that a qualitative generational shift in Poland’s public service is possible from within. For systemic change to take hold, you need to sow it in many places at once—because, in the end, the state needs capable people in both offices and the legislative process. But it’s also about showing that there are people worth making that change for.

We don’t want to open a showroom where all you can do is admire a luxury car from the outside. Zryw should be a garage, a place where you can actually get under the hood of your own car. We’ll give you the workshop, the tools, and access to great mechanics. And then it’s time to hit the road—with our support and community alongside you.

Who do you work with?

JW: Last year, we were the only organization from Poland accepted into the accelerator run by the Apolitical Foundation, which supports what they call political entrepreneurs. And despite the name, it’s not about businesspeople, but rather about those who create new models of civic and political engagement.

We’re also supported by, among others, the EFC Foundation, founded in memory of Roman Czernecki — a social innovator and educator. At Zryw, we believe that democracy requires not only institutions, but above all people: competent, empathetic and ready to act. In this sense, our mission and projects align deeply with EFC’s vision of building a strong democratic community.

AG: Among our allies is also the Mentors4Starters Foundation. From them, we’re learning how to build meaningful mentor–mentee relationships that truly benefit both sides. Maria Belka and Zofia Kłudka bring a wealth of practical knowledge and an equal willingness to share it with us.

How do you imagine the future of Zryw?

JW: Our mission is to find capable, driven people, encourage them either to stay in Poland or to come back, and equip them with the tools and knowledge they need to be effective in public service.

AG: While our zrywy [eng. surges]—the lowercase ones, meaning our short multi-day gatherings—are largely aimed at students who study in Poland and see their future here, we also see ourselves as a kind of “repatriation hub.” When you go abroad for your studies, you find countless networks and support systems that help you adapt to a new place. We believe Poland needs a similar network, but for those considering a return.

JW: Exactly. A Pole abroad is rarely alone. But a Pole returning after studies is a different story. For a long time, such a decision carried the stigma of disappointment or even failure. Nonsense! Poland is beautiful, innovative, and above all, it’s home. This is where we feel purpose, and this is where we see our future. And we want the privilege we had—finding each other in 2023, and being able to start working together—to be available to many more people. Because in the end, you need both something and someone to come back to. The flight home is just one plane ticket, but the decision to board it isn’t so simple. We want to show, in very concrete terms, that the return is worth it, and that it opens up incredible opportunities.

20
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Zryw - A New Poland

Melania Krych

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